by admin | May 25, 2021 | World
Frank F. Islam
By Frank F Islam
There are many reasons the president hasn’t been able to move the needle substantially with the Indian-American community. First and foremost is the former vice-president’s long track record as a supporter of India, dating back to his Senate days.
Throughout the 232-year history of the United States (US) presidential elections, India had rarely been a campaign issue. The current election, pitting President Donald Trump and former vice-president Joe Biden, is changing that. With the election day less than seven weeks away and early voting already in progress in several states, both campaigns are touting their strong support for India.
Foreign leaders and the politics of other countries become issues in US presidential campaigns only when they have direct implications for the US or foreign policy consequences. The exceptions have been Israel and Cuba. They are perennial campaign issues because of the presence of a large number of voters who have an interest in the domestic politics of those countries.
India has become a campaign issue in the current election cycle for this same reason. Both the Trump and Biden campaigns are touting their support for India to woo the 1.8-million Indian-American voters, who have a strong presence in battleground states such as Florida, Pennsylvania and Michigan.
Indian-American populations in swing states, such as Pennsylvania, Michigan and Florida are large enough to tilt the race one way or the other. According to a survey by AAPI Data, which tracks demographic data on Asian-Americans and Pacific Islander communities, there are 87,000 Indian-American voters in Florida, 61,000 in Pennsylvania, and 45,000 in Michigan.
These are among the dozen states that will decide the fate of Trump and Biden on November 3. To put the size of the Indian-American electorate in context, Trump won Michigan in 2016 by 13,080 votes and Pennsylvania by 44,292.
Trump’s campaign was the first to start focusing on India. Trump, who had professed his “love” for “Hindus” during his insurgent campaign in 2016, appeared with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in two public events over the past 12 months, in Houston last year and in Ahmedabad in February.
For its part, the Biden campaign has also been courting the Indian-American community aggressively. On August 15, India’s Independence Day, Biden and vice-presidential nominee Kamala Harris addressed the Indian-American community, where both vouched their strong support for India.For its part, the Biden campaign has also been courting the Indian-American community aggressively. On August 15, India’s Independence Day, Biden and vice-presidential nominee Kamala Harris addressed the Indian-American community, where both vouched their strong support for India.
Until recently, neither the Democratic nor the Republican Party made any concerted effort to earn Indian-American votes. This was due to the relatively small size of the Indian-American electorate and the fact that it was concentrated in reliably Democratic states such as California, New York and New Jersey and routinely voted Democratic.
This year, the Indian-American electorate is on the radar screens of both Democrats and Republicans. Around 56% of Indian-American registered voters told the AAPI Data pollsters that they have been contacted by the Democrats in the past year and 48% said they were approached by the Republicans.
Even though Trump was the first to begin targeting Indian-American voters, he doesn’t appear to have made a lot of progress. The recent AAPI Data survey found that only 28% of Indian-Americans plan to vote for Trump. Two-thirds of the registered voters said they will vote for Biden.
There are many reasons the president hasn’t been able to move the needle substantially with the Indian-American community. First and foremost is the former vice-president’s long track record as a supporter of India, dating back to his Senate days.
Second, Trump’s approach to India, much like his approach to politics and governing, in general, has primarily been one of sloganeering rather than consistency in policy positions.
Finally, similar to a vast majority of Americans outside of Trump’s base, Indian Americans perceive the Trump presidency as one of chaos and confrontation for the US, India and the world.
At this point in time, however, it appears that verdict will be that Donald Trump should be a one-term president and that India should start developing its future relations with Joe Biden.
by admin | May 25, 2021 | Opinions, World
Biden and Donald Trump
By Frank F Islam
Frank F. Islam
It can do business with both Trump and Biden. But the latter will be a more friendly interlocutor, steady partner
Earlier this month, Bernie Sanders, Joe Biden’s opponent to be the Democratic nominee for President of the United States (US), announced that he was suspending his campaign. This means that Biden will be the Democratic candidate for President. Biden has since got support from former president Barack Obama and Senator Elizabeth Warren, herself a former presidential candidate.
All this is good news for Biden. This is also good news for India. That is the case because if Biden was to win the presidency, the future for India-US relations would be on solid ground. If Sanders had stayed in the race, managed to win the nomination, and gone on to win the presidency, those relations would have been on shaky ground.
Sanders does not have a strong history of support for India or substantial foreign policy experience as a senator. More important, during his campaigning, he was critical of some key policy measures of the Narendra Modi administration.
By contrast, former vice-president (V-P) Biden is a long-time friend of India with a stellar track record in the foreign policy arena. And, to date, he has not made any major negative public pronouncements about India’s government. Biden is best known for the manner in which he served for eight years as the “aide-de-camp” for President Barack Obama, acting as his lead person and a key consultant on numerous issues, both domestic and foreign. He distinguished himself as someone who could facilitate communications, construct compromises, and build consensus among those with varying interests.
As part of his portfolio, Biden worked diligently to promote and advance Obama’s vision of a “defining partnership” between India and the US. He and his wife Jill visited India in 2013 when the V-P, according to the White House, “…set out an ambitious vision for the US-India relationship, looking not just at the months ahead or the years, but the decades ahead”. Biden had India on his radar screen and best interests in mind before joining Barack Obama in 2009. When he was a senator and chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Biden was an advocate for the successful passage of the Indo-US civil nuclear deal.
Sanders voted against that bill in 2008. More recently, in 2020, Sanders has spoken out against India’s Kashmir policy, its enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the country’s treatment of its Muslim minority. Congressman Ro Khanna, an Indian-American, was co-chair of Sanders’ presidential campaign. He has also been critical of India’s human rights policies and has joined the Congressional Pakistan Caucus. This is more evidence that Sanders in the White House would have been problematic for India’s relations with the US.
This brings the presidential match-up for the election to be held on November 3 between Biden and Donald Trump — who is running for re-election basically unopposed in the Republican Party. That match-up is welcome news for India.
In Biden and Trump, whoever occupies the Oval Office on January 20, 2021, India will be dealing with two known leaders. Trump, even with his mercurial and unpredictable behaviour, currently appears to be the preferred candidate of New Delhi, symbolised by the “Howdy Modi” spectacle in Houston in September and “Namaste Trump” show in Ahmedabad in February.
But there should be caution regarding the future of bilateral relations with the US with Trump as president going forward. While Trump can be counted on to stand silent on “internal matters” in India such as Kashmir, he cannot be relied upon to speak authentically or to keep his word on important issues such as getting a trade deal done.
Biden, on the other hand, might say things about India’s handling of issues central to a vital and vibrant democracy such as immigration, equal opportunity, pluralism, and the free press, but he will do so in a diplomatic manner. One variable that will come into play for India will be the status of the coronavirus pandemic when the election is held. It is far too early to speculate on the nature of that condition now.
What can be said at this point in time is that Trump has minimised the role of the federal government in confronting the pandemic in the US, stating that it is up to the state and local governments to take the lead. Biden as president would put much greater emphasis on the federal leadership.
Another difference that will impact India is that the Trump administration’s approach to managing the pandemic is and will be isolationist, as evidenced by the closing down of America’s borders to other countries early on and not taking outside assistance in areas such as testing when the pandemic first struck the US. Biden, as president, will be an internationalist looking to bring countries together to confront the consequences of the coronavirus and to leverage resources to benefit all nations.
Indians will not get to vote for the next president of the US. But Indian-Americans will. They should keep those distinct differences in style and behaviour in mind when they cast their ballots. I know that I will and that is why I am glad that Biden will be the Democratic candidate for president. That is good for both my motherland, India and my homeland, the US.
by admin | May 25, 2021 | Opinions
By Frank Islam & Ed Crego,
It was less than one month ago on February 12, that President Trump introduced his American Infrastructure Initiative. Since then, the President has had very little to say about infrastructure as his attention has turned to other matters such as gun control, tariffs, and immigration.
Congress has not paid much attention to Trump’s infrastructure recommendations either as it has been consumed by a myriad of other issues. Indeed, in late February when Senator John Cornyn of Texas (R) was asked if Congress would get an infrastructure bill passed before the November election, he responded:
“It will be challenging. I certainly would be happy if we could, but we’ve got a lot of things to do, that being one of them, and I don’t know if we will have time to get to that.”
So, Trump’s infrastructure plan appears to be vanishing in thin air. Maybe the reason for this is that Trump’s plan was never a real plan at all.
The truth is that the “framework for rebuilding infrastructure” put forward by the President was more smoke and mirrors than it was concrete and pilings. There are many reasons for this assessment.
The primary ones include:
- the requested funding is inadequate to the size of the need
- the level of federal funding is insufficient
- the incentives program for spurring investment is unrealistic
- the needs of urban inner cities and mid-size cities are ignored
- the potential privatization of public assets is ill-thought out.
The Trump administration believes that its infrastructure plan “will spur at least $1.5 trillion in infrastructure investments.” That might seem like a lot of money until one considers the state of America’s infrastructure and the span of time over which this money will be spent.
The American Society of Civil Engineers (ACSE) has issued an Infrastructure Report Card every 4 years since 1998. The report card assigns grades in sixteen categories. America’s grade point average in 2017 was D+.
ACSE estimates that the cost to improve the infrastructure in the ten year period from 2016–2025 would be almost $4.6 trillion. Based upon current funding and projections, it estimates that there will be a $2.06+ trillion gap in funding over this time frame.
It might appear that a plan for $1.5 trillion would begin to fill that gap. But, the fact is that the Trump plan only brings $200 billion in federal dollars to the table. The rest would have to be raised.
The federal commitment amounts to only $20 billion dollars a year as compared to a need, based on ACSE’s numbers, of $206 billion — or 1/10th of what is required. This is a woefully insufficient commitment from the federal level.
It is not realistic to expect the federal level to pony up all the funds to address the nation’s infrastructure requirements. But it is completely unrealistic to think that the administration’s proposed approach of using $100 billion of the money that it brings to the table to “create an Incentives Programs to spur additional dedicated funds from states, localities and the private sector” will bring $1.3 trillion more to the table from those entities. Here’s why.
First and foremost is the financial condition of many states and localities. As we pointed out in a blog posted before the Trump plan was officially announced, “Many of those entities are resource and cash-strapped. They not only don’t have matching funds. They don’t have a match to light the infrastructure candle.’
Second, and close in importance, there is a question of whether the returns on many of the infrastructure projects will be large enough to stimulate private sector investments. The problem is that many of the projects with the greatest needs are in the inner cities of metropolitan areas and mid-size cities that are struggling financially.
These locales have extensive maintenance, repair and/or reconstruction requirements for items such as crumbling bridges, roads, transit systems, and water and sewage systems. None of these projects are high profit items and thus will not be attractive to private investors.
This deficiency is compounded by the allocation of the funds in the Trump infrastructure plan. $50 billion, or 25% of the total $200 billion will “be devoted to a new Rural Infrastructure Program to rebuild and modernize infrastructure in rural America.”
Another $20 billion will be dedicated to a Transformative Projects Program to fund “bold and innovative projects” that might not “attract private sector investment because of the project’s unique characteristics.” This means that a full $70 billion, or more than one-third of the proposed federal funds, will be taken off of the table for what might be labeled the routine or normal infrastructure improvement needs in larger and mid-sized metropolitan cities.
What could be put on the table, though, is the opportunity for the private sector to purchase and take over the management and operation of federal public assets. Assets that the plan proposes considering selling off include: Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport, Washington Dulles International Airport, the George Washington and Baltimore Washington Parkways, and the transmission assets of the Tennessee Valley Authority.
The plan does not cite any studies on what the financial gains from the sale of any of these assets could be. It simply states that the federal agencies should be allowed to divest themselves of assets if they “can demonstrate an increase in value from the sale would optimize the taxpayer value for federal assets.”
The list of what is wrong with the administration’s infrastructure plan could go on and on and on. In summary, however, the overriding problem with this “plan” is not what is there but what is not there.
There has been significant substantive work done on a national infrastructure initiative over the past decade. As noted in our earlier blog on this topic in January of this year, much of it has revolved around proposals on Capitol Hill to develop a national infrastructure bank. We presented some of our own recommendations for the establishment of a National Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure Bank in a 2011 blog.
More recently, in its April 10, 2017 issue, Time presented a special report on Rebuilding America that outlined “25 smart ways to fix our infrastructure”. And Washington Monthly, in its 2017 issue for March/April, featured an article titled “the thinking person’s guide to infrastructure” which sets out three basic principles for any new legislation.
It’s not that there has been a shortage of ideas about what to do to address and solve America’s infrastructure problems. There are even a few good ideas in the Trump infrastructure plan.
Some of these include, as William Galston comments in a blog for the Brookings Institution, “…expanding existing subsidy programs that have proved effective in expanding transportation and water infrastructure.” Galston goes on to point out, however, “But there is a void at the core of the administration’s plan: funding.”
Don’t take his word for it. Take Donald Trump’s. According to PolitiFact, during the campaign, Trump promised to “invest $550 billion in infrastructure.” $200 billion doesn’t sound like $550 billion to us.
That’s not the only number that has changed. An early version of the Trump budget related to the infrastructure said $200 billion invested by the feds would generate $800 billion from other sources for a total of $1 trillion. We are now told that $200 billion will bring in $1.3 trillion for a total of $1.5 trillion.
This sounds and looks like smoke and mirrors to us. This plan is a non-starter. That’s the bad news.
The good news is that the hollowness of the plan and the rhetoric surrounding it should serve as a wake-up call. The better news is that there are plenty of serious proposals out there that can be drawn upon to create an authentic “fair and balanced’ infrastructure plan.
When will such a plan be developed and a bill be passed to put it in place? That’s hard to tell. It seems unlikely that will occur before the November elections, and even less likely that it will occur in the lame duck session. That takes us to the January of 2019 and the 116th United States Congress. Perhaps they will understand that time is of the essence.
As the ASCE noted in its 2017 Infrastructure Report Card, “The most recent analysis reveals that the U.S. has only been paying half of it infrastructure bill for some time and failing to close that gap risks rising cost, falling business productivity, plummeting GDP, lost jobs, and ultimately, reduced disposable income for every American family.”
They wrote this before Trump’s tariffs on aluminum and steel which will increase the costs of infrastructure repair and which almost every knowledgeable observer agrees will harm rather than help the economy overall.
We will not be able to whisk this fact away with smoke and mirrors. What we need is for Congress to stand and deliver before this country has nothing left standing.
(Frank Islam is an entrepreneur, investor and philanthropist. Ed Crego is a management consultant. Both are leaders of the 21st century citizenship movement.)
by admin | May 25, 2021 | World
By Arul Louis,
New York : United States President Donald Trump has played the India card against Pakistan in the Afghan great game, but would that become a true trump card for India?
Earlier this week, Trump assigned a “critical” role for India in his country’s South Asia strategy for fighting terrorism, building up a safe Afghanistan and appealed for help, while at the same time warning Pakistan of repercussions for the double game of unleashing terrorists against the Afghans and the US while collecting billions from Washington.
It amounts to threatening Islamabad that Washington could pivot to India if it didn’t stop supporting “the same organisations that try every single day to kill our people”, as Trump put it.
The US move comes as the civilian leadership is unmoored after Nawaz Sharif was removed as Pakistan Prime Minister by a court order.
It also coincides with the simmering military standoff between India and China, the other power with deep involvement in the region and patron of Pakistan. How Beijing reacts would be a factor in the way things work out for India.
There are two other players in the great game, Iran and Russia, with whom the US has a hostile relationship. They can influence developments in Afghanistan and India can play a covert intermediary role between them.
Past US Presidents, George W. Bush and Barack Obama, have in joint statements acknowledged New Delhi’s humanitarian and development assistance to Afghanistan, but what makes Trump’s statement different is that he openly incorporates India into the US strategy for Afghanistan and South Asia and juxtaposes it with his warnings to Pakistan.
Trump putting Pakistan on notice directly marks a change from the tradition of the Cold War that made Pakistan the indisputable and indispensable ally and there is a twist of irony here.
Soon after 9/11 in 2001, as the US prepared to go into Afghanistan, India offered the use of its airbases, but it was turned down and Washington decided to go with Pakistan despite its history of aiding both the Taliban and Al Qaeda.
Trump’s request to India was deliberately open-ended, while stressing what is already being done. “We want them to help us more with Afghanistan, especially in the area of economic assistance and development,” he said.
New Delhi has committed more than $3 billion in aid to Kabul and has undertaken important projects like constructing a Parliament house and building major highways in the face of Taliban attacks.
And there limits to what more it can do.
India couldn’t send troops in combat or frontline advisory roles. But it already trains Afghan troops and police in India — and had one time set a target of putting 30,000 of them through the paces. Now, trainers could work in Afghanistan itself, if India chooses and the US agrees to drop its opposition driven by Pakistani sensibilities — but away from areas of direct conflict.
But it could let the US use airbases in India, though Islamabad could ban overflights and a route through Iran is out of question.
India has provided military helicopters to Afghanistan, and General John Nicholson, the US commander in that country, has recently said that Kabul could do with more of them — as well as other military supplies. New Delhi could also increase its role as middleman for supplying Russian weaponry and spares given the Washington-Moscow standoff.
In the development sphere, India could increase — and probably will — its aid to Afghanistan in cash and kind. However, it may not be able to sustain a major expansion of assistance programmes requiring the deployment of Indian citizens because that would likely require security personnel to protect them and risk direct confrontation.
A major component of India’s economic assistance to Afghanistan runs counter to US interests as dictated by the Middle East because it is linked to Iran. India is developing the Chhabahar port in Iran that will provide landlocked Afghanistan an outlet to the world using the Indian-built Delaram-Zaranj highway to the Iran border. In turn, that highway will link to the Ring Road project that connects important Afghan cities.
This will provide a significant boost to Afghanistan’s economy.
At the same time, dire strategic compulsions could make the US overcome its repugnance to Tehran and through India use the Chhabahar link to get supplies into Afghanistan.
What is behind the changed US attitude to Islamabad — and to India as a collateral — and Trump’s own reluctance to further get involved in Afghanistan? It is the influence of the triumvirate of generals, Chief of State John Kelly, Defence Secretary James Mattis and National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster, with personal connections to the Afghan war.
Kelly lost his son, a Marine officer in Afghanistan to a terrorist roadside bomb, making the war on the Taliban personal. Mattis was the commander of the CENTCOM that oversaw the Afghan war and McMaster as the deputy to the planning commander at the international forces headquarters in Kabul.
Both have seen Islambad’s double game. Already last month, the US withheld $50 million in aid Pakistan citing its failure to rein in the Haqqani terrorist network.
Add to that Trump’s disenchantment with China over its refusal or inability to rein in North Korean taunts and threats.
How will the military and Islamist establishments react? To acquiesce to the US is one option that may be accompanied by the diversion of Islamist terrorists to India.
The other option of defiance would depend on China. Beijing sees Washington-New Delhi ties in the larger picture — its state media has accused the West, specifically the US, of instigating war between it and India.
But Beijing has some limitations here. Beyond making up for the loss of US billions to Pakistan if Islamabad stood firm, China also has strategic interests in the region that could be endangered by terrorism: The One Road One Belt project and the likelihood of terrorism getting a boost in the Uighar region and in Central Asia.
The real danger would be a Pakistani terror push towards India with Chinese backing.
(Arul Louis is the IANS correspondent in New York, from where he covers international relations and the United Nations. He can be reached at arul.l@ians.in)
—IANS
by admin | May 25, 2021 | Muslim World
By Arul Louis,
New York : In possibly the sternest warning to Pakistan by an American leader, US President Donald Trump has put Islamabad on notice, declaring it “has much to lose by continuing to harbour terrorists” and hinting at a direct action within that nation.
Outlining a new strategy for Afghanistan and South Asia before at a meeting of 2,000 US military personnel at Fort Meyer near Washington, he forthrightly accused Pakistan of giving “safe haven to agents of chaos, violence and terror”.
In an implied warning to Islamabad, he added, “These killers need to know they have nowhere to hide – that no place is beyond the reach of American arms.”
Asserting that “the next pillar of our new strategy is a change in our approach to Pakistan,” he reverted to his trademark blunt style and said: “We can no longer be silent about Pakistan’s safe havens for terrorist organisations, the Taliban and other groups that pose a threat to the region and beyond.”
“Pakistan has much to gain from partnering with our effort in Afghanistan,” he added. “It has much to lose by continuing to harbour terrorists.”
In the strongest accusation coming from a US President, he forthrightly accused Pakistan of giving “safe haven to agents of chaos, violence and terror”.
“We will also expand authority for American armed forces to target the terrorist and criminal networks that sow violence and chaos throughout Afghanistan,” he said.
“These killers need to know they have nowhere to hide – that no place is beyond the reach of American arms.”
“I have already lifted restrictions the previous administration placed on our warfighters that prevented the Secretary of Defence and our commanders in the field from fully and swiftly waging battle against the enemy,” he said.
While he talked of a new strategy, he played the cards close to his chest. He did not provide any specifics saying: “We will not talk about numbers of troops or our plans for further military activities.”
He added that he would not set any timetables — which his predecessor Barack Obama had.
Trump said: “From now on, victory will have a clear definition: attacking our enemies, obliterating IS (Islamic State), crushing Al Qaeda, preventing the Taliban from taking over the country and stopping mass terror attacks against Americans before they emerge.”
Another important change to US policy that he announced was a break from the failed policies of his predecessors to build democracies around the world, sometimes at the point of a gun as in Iraq.
He called the new policy “Principled Realism” and said: “We will no longer use American military might to construct democracies in far away lands, or try to rebuild other countries in our own image – those days are now over.”
He added, “We are not asking others to change their way of life, but to pursue common goals that allow our children to live better lives.”
He raised the spectre of nuclear threats at two levels.
“We must prevent nuclear weapons and materials from coming into the hands of terrorists and being used against us,” Trump said.
The other danger he saw was from Pakistan’s backing for terrorists against India.
“The threat is worse because Pakistan and India are two nuclear-armed states whose tense relations threaten to spiral into conflict,” he said.
(Arul Louis can be reached at arul.l@ians.in)
—IANS