Violence against artistes: A condition of Indian democracy?

Violence against artistes: A condition of Indian democracy?

Malvika Maheshwari

Malvika Maheshwari

By Saket Suman,

New Delhi : Attacks against artistes are happening not just because of “the rise of any particular ideology over the last two-three decades”, nor is it a result of “one or two political parties exploiting communalism or religiosity”. Instead, according to Malvika Maheshwari, whose upcoming book “Art Attacks: Violence and Offence-Taking in India” presents a dismal picture of the turmoil that artistes are facing in the country, it is because of the complicated nature of democracy — where votes ratify power.

“To win and maintain this otherwise unattainable power, political parties over time began to exploit entire energies of their cadres and constituencies, first by persuasion, and, if not, by coercion. This capacity of democracy to both birth and nurture violence as a norm rather than as an exception not just placed severe limits on the imagination of the Constitution’s liberal project but its perversion provided for an entire infrastructure for ‘self-appointed gate-keepers of culture’ that helped them convince themselves and their publics of the value of these attacks,” Maheshwari, an Assistant Professor of political science at Ashoka University, told IANS in an interview.

Her book tells the story of violence against artistes in India, marked by the intensifying sense of insecurity, fear, frustration and anger within the art world. As opposed to simply adding to the prevalent commentaries on violent regulation of free speech in India, “Art Attacks: Violence and Offence-Taking in India” focuses on the dynamics of violence in that regulation.

Maheshwari, who was previously a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research here, said that such attacks are not just a phenomenon of the rise of “anti-liberal” sentiments as much as they are a phenomenon of the perversion of the liberal language.

“A lot of the attacks are justified and ‘performed’ by using statements of righteousness, not simply in the religious sense, even if they act in religion’s name, but rather through a morally-charged language of rights, respect, and justice, a language through which they hope to legitimise this violence. The attacks show how much this language has travelled, been copied and manipulated, for instance, through the tussle inherent in the arrangement and prioritisation of free speech over equal respect or dignity,” she added.

She stressed that there are individuals at the forefront of these attacks, those who “physically assault and vandalise”. She said that they come from “a particular social and economic class” and these attacks become a way for them “to resolve anxieties around status, recognition and respect”.

“It enables them to separate themselves from those of their own social group, but also distinguish themselves from their colleagues in their organisations, of which they are part themselves. Most importantly, these men are deeply informed by the glory and success that violent actions in the past may have brought to their leaders.

“So we need to understand that this form of collective violence is dependent on democracy’s rhetoric and processes, and even while being ‘anti-democratic’, they cannot be regarded simply as a deterrent to its routines. It needs also to be contextualised: Given that generally the outbursts of violence — public and private — in its many avatars have not so much been aberrations of India’s democracy as much as its very condition,” Maheshwari contended.

She added that in the last few decades, since these attacks have been on the rise, the context and the pattern of these attacks have undergone many changes. The violence of “offence-taking”, she said, is much more normalised today than it used to be.

Asked of her findings on the “rising culture of offence-taking in India”, Maheshwari shared four core aspects. She maintained that we have “a political culture that is deeply and seemingly irreversibly rooted in criminality, communalism and populism”.

She said that the phenomenon of “recurring attacks could not have found its ground without the expansion of electronic media, and its enhancement through private capital”. Maheshwari contended that it is “absolutely critical to focus on the micro politics of offence-taking and violence” — to understand how it becomes attractive for ordinary citizens, what for them are the motivations and risks involved.

“…very importantly, I do not see these attacks, vandalism and destruction of artworks necessarily as iconoclasm, underlined by its straightforward intention to forcefully and completely erase or annihilate. Most artworks and artists, after the attacks, acquire far greater visibility than before, often at the behest of the attackers themselves.

“What comes across very clearly in my interactions with them is that they see these attacks on art as investment, which inevitably leads to a generation of many more and new images and responses, offering many more opportunities of the kind and keeps the cycle going. As I mention in the book, censorship here is at the most a gratifying by-product, not a goal accomplished. Their interest lies not in what the artwork is about, but what the attacks can make happen,” she said.

To be published by Oxford University Press India in November, “Art Attacks: Violence and Offence-Taking in India” is a result of eight years of exhaustive research and writing.

(Saket Suman can be contacted at saket.s@ians.in)

—IANS

India can be a global beacon for democracy

India can be a global beacon for democracy

Parliament, GandhiBy Frank F. Islam,

In this 21st century, democracy is descending and autocracy is ascending in countries around the world. That is the conclusion and argument that Yascha Mounk and Roberto Stefan Foa present in their article titled “The End of the Democratic Century” published in the May/June edition of Foreign Affairs.

For much of the 20th century, the United States was the leader in promoting and promulgating democracy and democratic values internationally. With the Trump presidency that leadership has eroded and virtually disappeared.

The obsessive emphasis on “America First” and the withdrawal from involvement with allies and international agreements combined with the instigation of trade wars will only lead to the inevitable conclusion of America being alone and last. A nation cannot lead from that position.

There is a significant vacuum that must be filled if democracy and the search for it is to be a defining characteristic of this century. India is by far the largest democracy in the world. In the upcoming national election to be held sometime in 2019, over 900 million Indian citizens will be eligible to vote. This compares to a mere 245 million-plus eligible voters the next largest democracy – the US.

The question becomes can India step forward and begin to fill that vacuum by leading by example and speaking out on issues central to democratic values and practices? There are some indicators that suggest that India may not be up to this task.

A Pew Research Center survey of citizens in 38 nations, conducted in 2017, found that “support for a strong leader who is unchecked by the judiciary or parliament is highest in India;” 55 percent of those surveyed saw “rule by a strong leader as a good way to govern”. That same survey disclosed that only 8 percent of the respondents were fully committed to a representative democracy, 67 percent were less committed, 9 percent preferred a non-democratic option, and the remainder were uncertain.

Mounk and Foa in their article did not see India playing a more active role in the democratic arena. They cited a number of reasons including: defending liberal democracy has not been a significant component of India’s foreign policy; India’s abstaining from voting on the UN resolution condemning Russia’s annexation of Crimea; and India’s siding with autocratic regimes in seeking a greater role for the state in regulating the internet.

That’s the bad news for India’s potential future role as a champion of democracy. The good news is there are some strong counter-indicators. Two that standout are the manner in which the Indian democracy was founded and the nature of and participation in the 2014 national election.

Ornit Shani, a scholar at the University of Haifa, has written a new book, “How India Became Democratic: Citizenship and Making the Universal Franchise” detailing how India was established at the outset as a country empowering its diverse population as voters. In her review of the book for The Hindu, Mini Kapoor notes that because the draft electoral roll was established after Independence but before there was a Constitution, Shani makes the “grand claim that Indians became voters before they were citizens”. Given the differing opinions and conditions at the time of the country’s founding, this expansive democratic action could almost be characterised as miraculous.

While the nature of and participation in the 2014 national elections was not miraculous, it could definitely be labeled a big deal – a very big deal. Consider the following: The registration for this election was more than 100 million voters higher than the 2009 election – an increase of almost 15 percent. The elections were held over nine days. The election process required approximately 1.1 million government workers and 5.5 million civilian employees to help voters at 1.4 million voting machines in 930,00 polling stations. The voter turnout of over 66 per cent was the highest in the history of India’s national elections.

Given these and other factors such as its re-accelerating economic development, I believe India is poised to move centrestage as an exemplar of and worldwide advocate for democracy. I say this recognizing that India as a nation and democracy is far from perfect. It has numerous problems that need to be addressed in order to don the mantle of a democratic leader.

In my opinion, there are three key areas in which India needs to take action in order to assume that leadership role:

* Pursue an intensified agenda of inclusiveness and economic equality and opportunity for all

* Provide effective civic education for students – especially in the younger years

*Ensure the free press is completely free

The old saying goes, it is always darkest before the dawn. For the past few years, democracy in countries and around the world has been slipping into darkness. In recent months, things have continued to get darker for democracy. We are moving toward the darkest hour.

India has the potential to confront that hour by becoming a global beacon of hope for democracy. If it realises that potential, it will help to bring about a new dawn for democracy in this 21st century.

(Frank F. Islam is an entrepreneur, civic and thought Leader based in Washington DC. The views expressed are personal. He can be contacted at ffislam@verizon.net)

—IANS