by Editor | Jul 9, 2025 | Corporate, Corporate Jobs, Employment, News, News & Trending, Tech, Technology
CUPERTINO, CA – In a landmark announcement, Apple Inc. has appointed Sabih Khan, an Indian-origin executive, as its new Chief Operating Officer (COO), effective later this month. Khan, a 30-year veteran of the tech giant, will succeed Jeff Williams, who is set to retire by the end of 2025 after nearly three decades with the company. This transition marks a significant milestone for Apple and the global Indian diaspora, as Khan becomes one of the highest-ranking Indian-origin executives in the tech industry.
Born in 1966 in Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh, Khan’s journey from a small Indian city to Apple’s C-suite is inspiring. After moving to Singapore at age 10, he completed his schooling there before relocating to the United States. Khan holds bachelor’s degrees in Economics and Mechanical Engineering from Tufts University and a master’s degree in Mechanical Engineering from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. Joining Apple in 1995, he initially worked in the procurement group before rising through the ranks to become Senior Vice President of Operations in 2019.
Khan’s appointment comes as part of a long-planned succession strategy, with Apple CEO Tim Cook praising his contributions. “Sabih is a brilliant strategist and one of the central architects of Apple’s supply chain. He leads with heart and values, ensuring Apple’s agility in responding to global challenges,” Cook said. Khan has been instrumental in managing Apple’s global supply chain, overseeing planning, procurement, manufacturing, logistics, and product fulfillment. His leadership has driven innovations in advanced manufacturing and expanded Apple’s U.S. manufacturing footprint.
A key highlight of Khan’s tenure is his commitment to environmental sustainability. Under his oversight, Apple reduced its carbon footprint by over 60%, aligning with the company’s ambitious environmental goals. His strategic vision has also supported Apple’s diversification of its manufacturing base, including shifting some production to India to mitigate U.S. tariff impacts.
Jeff Williams, the outgoing COO, expressed confidence in Khan’s capabilities, stating, “I’ve worked with Sabih for 27 years, and I believe he’s the most talented operations executive on the planet.” Williams will continue to oversee Apple’s design team and health initiatives until his retirement, ensuring a smooth transition.
Khan’s elevation underscores Apple’s focus on internal growth and continuity. His deep operational expertise and ability to navigate complex global challenges position him as a fitting leader for Apple’s future. As COO, Khan will likely oversee AppleCare and continue shaping the company’s operational and environmental strategies.
The appointment has sparked pride across India, with social media posts celebrating Khan’s achievement as a testament to Indian talent on the global stage. As Apple deepens its focus on India for manufacturing and market growth, Khan’s leadership is poised to strengthen these efforts, reinforcing Apple’s position as a global tech leader.
This historic appointment not only highlights Khan’s remarkable career but also signals Apple’s commitment to diversity and innovation in its leadership. The tech world watches eagerly as Khan steps into this pivotal role.
by Editor | Jul 6, 2025 | Business, Commodities, Commodity Market, Entrepreneurship, Food & Cuisine, Investing, Markets
Maeeshat News Network | Mumbai
India’s dry fruits market is thriving, driven by a growing appetite for healthy, convenient snacks and a cultural affinity for nutrient-rich foods. As the world’s largest importer of dry fruits, India consumes a vast array of products like almonds, cashews, dates, and raisins, fuelled by rising health consciousness, urbanization, and festive demand. However, despite favourable climatic conditions in some regions, domestic production lags behind imports due to quality and infrastructure challenges.
India as a Consumer of Dry Fruits
Dry fruits, including almonds, cashews, walnuts, pistachios, raisins, and dates, are integral to Indian cuisine and culture. They feature in festive sweets, daily snacks, and religious practices, particularly during Ramadan, Diwali, and Navratri. With a population of 1.44 billion, India’s consumption is substantial, with per capita intake estimated at 0.5-0.7 kg annually, higher in urban areas like Mumbai, Delhi, and Bengaluru. A 2023 report noted a 25% increase in dry fruit consumption, driven by post-COVID health awareness, as consumers sought nutrient-dense foods to boost immunity.
The Muslim community, constituting 14.2% of the population, significantly drives demand during Ramadan, with dates and almonds used to break fasts. Meanwhile, urban millennials and Gen Z, influenced by fitness trends, incorporate dry fruits into smoothies, energy bars, and vegan diets, as seen in posts on social media in 2025. The rise of e-commerce platforms like BigBasket, Faraan Fresh Foods and Amazon, reporting a 15% year-on-year increase in dry fruit sales, has made these products accessible across tier-2 and tier-3 cities, further boosting consumption.
Health consciousness is a key driver. Dry fruits are rich in fiber, vitamins, minerals, and antioxidants, appealing to consumers combating lifestyle diseases like obesity and diabetes. For instance, almonds are prized for their protein and vitamin E content, while dates offer natural sweetness and energy. The trend of substituting traditional sweets with dry fruit gift packs during festivals, as noted by Professor Ranjan Kumar Ghosh of IIM Ahmedabad, underscores their growing popularity.
Which Country’s Dry Fruits Are Preferred?
India imported $2.85 billion worth of dry fruits in 2023, accounting for 11.2% of global nut imports, making it the top importer. The United States leads exports to India with a 35% share ($1 billion), followed by Ghana ($242.4 million), Côte d’Ivoire ($228.5 million), Togo ($182.2 million), and Tanzania ($118.5 million). Other significant suppliers include Afghanistan, Turkey, Iran, and Thailand.
United States: American almonds and walnuts dominate due to their consistent quality, large size, and advanced processing. California’s almond exports to India grew 6% in 2023, driven by demand for nutrient-rich snacks.
Middle Eastern Countries: Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Iran supply premium dates like Medjool, Ajwa, and Mazafati, valued for their soft texture and rich flavor. Their halal certification aligns with Muslim consumer preferences during Ramadan.
Afghanistan: Known for pistachios and almonds, Afghanistan’s share has declined due to inconsistent quality compared to U.S. standards, as noted by the Indian-Afghan Chamber of Commerce.
Turkey: Turkish hazelnuts and dried figs, introduced in 2025 via campaigns with the Nuts & Dry Fruits Council of India, are gaining traction for their quality and novelty.
Consumers prefer imported dry fruits for their uniform size, taste, and packaging. U.S. almonds, for instance, are favored for their crunch and nutritional consistency, while Middle Eastern dates are sought for their freshness and cultural significance. Posts on X in 2025 highlight Indian consumers’ preference for “premium” imported varieties over local ones, often criticized for being “small” or “less flavorful.”
The Size of India’s Dry Fruits Market
The Indian dry fruits market was valued at $9.3 billion (₹77,000 crore) in 2024 and is projected to reach $12.7 billion (₹1.05 lakh crore) by 2029, with a CAGR of 6.55%. Some estimates, like Indian Retailer’s, project a higher CAGR of 11%, reaching ₹1.7 trillion by 2028. The market is segmented into retail (60%), food processing (25%), and institutional buyers (15%), with cashews (50% of imports), almonds, walnuts, and dates as top categories.
Imports dominate, meeting 80% of demand, with almonds and walnuts leading retail sales. The market’s growth is fueled by rising disposable incomes, urbanization, and e-commerce expansion, with platforms like Zepto and Instamart driving accessibility in tier-2 cities. Festive seasons see a 20-30% sales surge, particularly in North India and Muslim-majority areas like Hyderabad and Mumbra. The unorganized sector, including kirana stores, accounts for 70% of retail sales, while brands like Haldiram’s, Patanjali, and Nutraj lead the organized market.
Why Indian Dry Fruits Lag Behind
Despite India’s potential for dry fruit cultivation in regions like Kashmir (almonds), Maharashtra (raisins), and Gujarat (dates), domestic production struggles:
Limited Varieties and Scale: India produces only 50,000-60,000 metric tons annually, compared to imports of over 400,000 tons. Local varieties, like Kashmir’s smaller almonds, lack the appeal of U.S. or Middle Eastern counterparts. Date production in Kutch is limited to Barhi, less preferred than imported Medjool.
Outdated Farming Practices: Indian farmers often use traditional methods, lacking access to drip irrigation or pest control. A 2023 ICAR report highlighted uneven ripening and low yields due to poor soil management and water scarcity.
Inadequate Infrastructure: Post-harvest processing, including drying and packaging, is substandard. Unlike U.S. freeze-drying or Middle Eastern automated sorting, Indian dry fruits often rely on sun-drying, leading to inconsistent quality. Poor cold storage shortens shelf life, deterring consumers.
Low Investment: Dry fruit cultivation requires ₹2-3 lakh per hectare and a 3-5 year gestation period, discouraging farmers. Government subsidies, like those under the 2024 Mission for Integrated Development of Horticulture, are underutilized, with only 8% allocated to dry fruits.
Consumer Perception: Indian dry fruits are perceived as inferior, with X posts in 2025 describing them as “dry” or “tasteless” compared to imported varieties. High import tariffs (30-100%) make local products cheaper (₹200-₹800/kg vs. ₹600-₹1,500/kg for imports), but quality concerns persist.
Challenges and Opportunities
Heavy import reliance exposes India to price volatility and supply chain disruptions, as seen during the 2020 COVID-19 lockdowns. Illegal imports of low-quality dry fruits, reported in Mumbai in 2025, pose health risks. Regulatory challenges, like FSSAI’s stringent labeling standards, also burden small producers.
Yet, opportunities abound. ICAR’s pilot projects for premium varieties like Medjool in Rajasthan show promise. Government initiatives could expand cultivation in arid regions, creating jobs. Brands like Nutraj and Happilo are innovating with flavored dry fruits and snack mixes, appealing to urban consumers. Events like MEWA India 2025 in Mumbai are fostering collaboration to enhance quality and branding.
India’s dry fruits market, valued at $9.3 billion in 2024, is a dynamic sector driven by health trends, cultural practices, and e-commerce growth. While imports from the U.S., Middle East, and Turkey dominate due to superior quality, domestic production is hampered by outdated practices, limited investment, and consumer bias. To compete, India must modernize farming, improve processing, and leverage government support. Until then, India’s love for dry fruits will continue to enrich foreign producers while local potential remains untapped.
by Editor | Jul 6, 2025 | Business, Food & Cuisine, Halal Food, Halal Industries, Markets
Maeeshat News Network | Mumbai
India, with its diverse culinary traditions and growing health-conscious population, is a significant consumer of dates, a nutrient-rich fruit prized for its sweetness, versatility, and cultural significance. As one of the world’s top importers of dates, India’s market is shaped by rising demand, particularly during festivals like Ramadan, Diwali, and Navratri, and a preference for high-quality imported varieties over domestic ones.
India’s Consumption of Dates
Dates are a staple in Indian diets, consumed fresh, dried, or processed into products like date syrup, paste, and desserts. With a population of 1.44 billion, India’s consumption is driven by cultural, religious, and health factors. Muslims, comprising 14.2% of the population, consume dates during Ramadan to break their fast, aligning with Islamic tradition. Hindus and other communities incorporate dates into festive sweets and health foods, spurred by growing awareness of their nutritional benefits—rich in fiber, vitamins, and antioxidants.
In 2024, India imported 274,000 metric tons of dates, making it the world’s largest importer, according to the Agricultural and Processed Food Products Export Development Authority (APEDA). Per capita consumption is estimated at 0.2-0.3 kg annually, with urban areas like Mumbai, Delhi, and Hyderabad showing higher demand due to rising disposable incomes and health trends. The popularity of premium varieties like Medjool and Deglet Noor has surged among affluent consumers, while affordable varieties dominate rural markets. Social media posts in 2025 highlight the growing trend of dates as a natural sweetener in smoothies and energy bars, reflecting their appeal to fitness enthusiasts.
Which Country’s Dates Are Preferred?
India imports dates from over 30 countries, with the Middle East and North Africa dominating the market due to their superior quality and proximity. The top exporters to India in 2024 were:
Saudi Arabia (36% market share): Known for premium varieties like Sukkari, Ajwa, and Medjool, Saudi dates are prized for their soft texture, rich flavor, and high nutritional value. Ajwa dates, considered sacred in Islamic tradition, are particularly popular during Ramadan.
United Arab Emirates (25%): The UAE supplies high-quality Barhi and Khalas dates, favored for their freshness and sweetness. Dubai’s role as a trading hub ensures competitive pricing.
Iraq (15%): Iraqi Zahidi and Khadrawy dates are valued for their affordability and versatility in processed foods.
Iran (10%): Iranian Mazafati and Piarom dates are sought after for their juicy texture and premium packaging, though geopolitical tensions occasionally disrupt supply.
These countries benefit from ideal arid climates, advanced cultivation techniques, and centuries-old expertise in date farming. Saudi and UAE dates, in particular, undergo stringent quality checks, ensuring uniform size, color, and taste, which Indian consumers prefer over domestic varieties. Posts on Media in 2025 praise Middle Eastern dates for their “melt-in-the-mouth” quality, contrasting them with Indian dates, often described as “dry” or “inconsistent.”
The Size of India’s Dates Market
The Indian dates market is valued at approximately ₹2,500 crore (USD 300 million) in 2025, with a projected CAGR of 5.8% through 2030, driven by rising health awareness and festive demand. Imports account for 85% of the market, valued at ₹2,125 crore, with domestic production contributing the rest. India’s import bill for dates reached USD 257.9 million in 2024, up 8% from 2023, reflecting growing consumption. Mumbai, Delhi, and Chennai are key distribution hubs, with retailers like BigBasket, Faraan Fresh Foods and Amazon reporting a 15% year-on-year increase in online date sales.
The market is segmented into retail (60%), food processing (25%), and institutional buyers (15%), such as hotels and caterers. Premium brands like Bateel and Al Barakah command high margins, while local traders offer affordable bulk options. The unorganized sector, including street vendors and small kirana stores, accounts for 70% of retail sales, particularly in tier-2 cities and rural areas. During Ramadan 2025, sales surged 30% in Muslim-majority areas like Hyderabad’s Old City and Mumbai’s Mumbra, per industry reports.
Why Indian Dates Lag Behind
Despite India’s favorable climate in regions like Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Tamil Nadu, domestic date production struggles to compete with imports. Several factors contribute to this gap:
Limited Cultivation and Varieties: India produces only 15,000-20,000 metric tons of dates annually, primarily in Kutch, Gujarat, which accounts for 70% of output. The dominant variety, Barhi, is less preferred than imported Medjool or Ajwa due to its smaller size and less appealing texture. Limited research into high-yield, premium varieties restricts market competitiveness.
Poor Farming Practices: Indian date farmers often lack access to modern techniques like drip irrigation and pest control, common in Middle Eastern countries. Inconsistent water supply and soil salinity in Kutch hinder quality. A 2023 ICAR report noted that Indian dates suffer from uneven ripening and lower sugar content, reducing consumer appeal.
Lack of Infrastructure: Post-harvest processing, including cleaning, grading, and packaging, is rudimentary in India. Middle Eastern exporters use advanced cold storage and automated sorting, ensuring longer shelf life and better presentation. Indian dates, often sold unpackaged in local markets, lose out to imported brands’ polished branding.
Low Investment and Awareness: Date farming requires significant upfront investment—₹2-3 lakh per hectare—and a 4-5 year gestation period, deterring farmers. Unlike Saudi Arabia’s government subsidies for date cultivation, India’s support is minimal, with only 10% of horticulture subsidies allocated to dates. Farmers also lack awareness of global standards, as noted in a 2024 APEDA study.
Market Perception: Indian consumers perceive imported dates as superior, a sentiment echoed on Media, where users complain about Indian dates’ “hard texture” and “lack of sweetness.” This perception, coupled with competitive pricing of imports (₹300-₹1,500 per kg versus ₹200-₹800 for local dates), marginalizes domestic producers.
Challenges and Opportunities
The reliance on imports exposes India to supply chain risks, such as geopolitical tensions in the Middle East or freight cost hikes (up 12% in 2024). Currency fluctuations also increase import costs, impacting affordability for low-income consumers. Meanwhile, illegal imports of low-quality dates, reported in Mumbai in 2025, pose health risks and undermine market trust.
However, opportunities exist to bolster domestic production. The Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) has introduced high-yield varieties like Medjool in pilot projects in Rajasthan, with early success. Government initiatives, such as the 2024 Mission for Integrated Development of Horticulture, offer subsidies for micro-irrigation and training. Expanding date palm plantations in arid regions could create jobs, with Gujarat’s Kutch targeting 10,000 hectares by 2030. Public-private partnerships, like those with Patanjali for organic processing, could enhance branding and market reach.
India’s dates market thrives on robust consumption, driven by cultural traditions and health trends, but its dependence on imports highlights the shortcomings of domestic production. Middle Eastern countries, with their superior quality and branding, dominate the ₹2,500 crore market, while Indian dates struggle with inferior varieties, outdated practices, and low investment. To reduce import reliance and compete globally, India must invest in modern farming, processing infrastructure, and consumer awareness. Until then, Maeeshat News Network found that Mumbra’s Ramadan markets and urban supermarkets will continue to stock Saudi Ajwa and UAE Khalas, leaving Indian dates in the shadows.
by Editor | Jul 5, 2025 | Business, Lifestyle
Maeeshat News Network | Mumbai
Mumbra, a densely populated suburb of Thane, Maharashtra, within the Mumbai Metropolitan Region, has long been a hub for affordable housing, attracting working-class families and migrants, particularly after the 1992 Mumbai riots, which saw a significant influx of Muslim residents. With an estimated population of 12 lakh, 80% of whom are Muslim, Mumbra’s rapid urbanization since the 1970s has been marred by rampant illegal constructions. These unauthorized structures, often built hastily on encroached land, have led to tragic building collapses, raising concerns about whether Mumbra is becoming a graveyard due to lax regulation, land mafia activities, and systemic failures.
The Scale of Illegal Constructions in Mumbra
Mumbra’s transformation from agricultural land to a sprawling urban center began in the 1970s, driven by Mumbai’s population boom and limited affordable housing. By 2013, Thane Municipal Corporation (TMC) reported 218 of over 400 illegal structures within its limits were in Mumbra alone, with the entire Thane district housing around 4.9 lakh illegal buildings, including 2 lakh in Thane city. Real estate analysts estimate that 2 lakh of the 2.79 lakh homes across Thane, Kalwa, and Mumbra-Diva are unauthorized, with 40% of the region’s 18 lakh population living in slums or illegal structures. The 2013 Mumbra building collapse, which killed 74 people, highlighted the dangers of this unchecked construction boom, with the collapsed seven-story building erected in just two months on marshland without TMC approval.
The problem persists into 2025. In June, the Bombay High Court ordered the demolition of 17 illegal buildings in Mumbra’s Khan Compound, built on a 5.5-acre plot owned by a senior citizen, Subhadra Takle, and encroached by the land mafia. The court described the situation as “shocking,” noting that such constructions could only occur with the complicity of municipal and government officials. Residents, many from low-income groups, protested, citing the lack of prior notice and alternative shelter, especially during the monsoon. Despite these demolitions, posts on X in 2025 suggest that at least 100 illegal buildings remain under construction in Mumbra, indicating the scale of the ongoing challenge.
Causes of the Crisis
The proliferation of illegal constructions in Mumbra stems from multiple factors:
Population Pressure and Housing Demand: Mumbra’s population surged from 44,000 in 1991 to several lakhs by 2013, driven by migration from Mumbai’s unaffordable housing market and the 1992 riots, which displaced many Muslims to Mumbra. The demand for cheap housing led to a boom in low-cost, unauthorized buildings sold at rates as low as ₹1,100 per square foot, often on encroached forest, marsh, or nullah land.
Land Mafia and Rapid Construction: The land mafia exploits Mumbra’s housing crunch by filling marshlands with debris and erecting multi-story buildings in months, bypassing construction laws. The 2013 collapse involved a building on a covered nullah, completed in just two months. Such speed evades regulatory oversight, as builders sell flats quickly to create third-party interests, making demolitions politically and legally contentious.
Official Complicity: The Bombay High Court has repeatedly criticized TMC officials for enabling illegal constructions. In 2025, the court suspended Assistant Municipal Commissioner Faruk Shaikh for failing to act against unauthorized structures. The 2013 Nandalal Committee probe exposed a builder-politician-official nexus, yet the “rot persists,” with officials allegedly turning a blind eye for bribes.
Weak Enforcement: Despite a 2005 Government Resolution mandating satellite imaging to detect illegal constructions every six months, enforcement remains lax. The Bombay High Court in 2025 noted that strict implementation of the 2009 GR could have prevented the current crisis. TMC’s claim of 3,000 annual demolitions under Commissioner RA Rajeev in 2013 contrasts with the continued rise of illegal structures, suggesting selective action.
Consequences: A Graveyard in the Making?
The term “graveyard” captures the deadly toll of Mumbra’s illegal constructions. The 2013 collapse, which killed 74, was not an isolated incident. Over 150 people have died in building collapses in Thane due to substandard, unauthorized structures lacking basic infrastructure like lifts, proper roads, or sanitation. In 2025, residents of Khan Compound, like Mohd Irfan Ansari, who lost homes purchased with life savings, expressed anguish over being misled by seemingly legitimate documents and utilities like power connections. The lack of proper roads, streetlights, and sanitation in areas like Shil Daighar exacerbates living conditions, turning Mumbra into a precarious urban sprawl.
The human cost is profound. Families, including schoolchildren, are left homeless during demolitions, as seen in the 2025 Khan Compound protests. Residents like Sakina Khan, who sold farmland for a flat, face ruin without rehabilitation. The psychological toll on low-income families, many of whom are daily-wage workers commuting to Mumbai, is immense, compounded by the lack of accountability for builders and officials.
Efforts to Address the Crisis
The TMC and judiciary have taken steps, though challenges remain:
Demolition Drives: In 2016, TMC demolished 1,946 illegal structures over two days in Mumbra, clearing roads and markets. In 2025, 88 structures were razed across Thane wards between June 19-25, including in Mumbra, following High Court orders. These actions aim to ease traffic and restore public spaces but face resident backlash over inadequate notice and rehabilitation.
Judicial Intervention: The Bombay High Court’s 2025 rulings mandated surveys of illegal structures, judicial inquiries into official complicity, and the use of GIS technology to monitor constructions. The court’s directive for project detail displays with QR codes aims to prevent fraud by informing buyers of a building’s legality.
Cluster Development Scheme: In 2017, TMC proposed a cluster development scheme to provide free 300-square-foot homes to residents of dangerous and illegal buildings in Mumbra, Naupada, and Wagle Estate. Approved by Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, the scheme aims to create 1.25 lakh homes, but its implementation remains slow.
Mumbra’s illegal construction crisis is a complex interplay of demand, corruption, and weak governance. While demolitions address immediate risks, they displace vulnerable families without tackling root causes. The Bombay High Court’s push for technology and accountability is promising, but sustained enforcement, transparent land records, and affordable housing policies are critical to prevent Mumbra from becoming a literal and metaphorical graveyard. Until officials, builders, and the land mafia face stringent consequences, the cycle of illegal constructions will persist, endangering lives and dreams.
by Editor | Jul 5, 2025 | Business, Corporate
Maeeshat News Network | Mumbai
Baba Ramdev, a yoga guru turned business magnate, has been a polarizing figure in India, leveraging his Patanjali Ayurved empire to influence both markets and public discourse. While his affordable Ayurvedic products and yoga advocacy have won millions of followers, his controversial statements targeting Muslim businesses and minorities, particularly Muslims, have sparked widespread criticism. In 2025, Ramdev’s remarks, such as labeling the sale of Hamdard’s Rooh Afza as “sharbat jihad,” have intensified debates about his motives and their impact on India’s 220 million Muslims and other minorities.
In April 2025, Ramdev ignited a firestorm by urging Hindus to boycott Rooh Afza, a popular herbal drink produced by Hamdard, a Muslim-owned company founded in 1906. During a promotional event for Patanjali’s rose sharbat, he claimed, without naming Hamdard directly, that Rooh Afza’s profits fund mosques and madrasas, contrasting this with Patanjali’s support for gurukuls and Ayurvedic institutions. He coined the term “sharbat jihad,” likening it to “love jihad,” a Hindutva trope alleging Muslim men seduce Hindu women for conversion. The Delhi High Court condemned these remarks as “indefensible” and “akin to hate speech,” ordering Ramdev to remove the videos, though he initially defied the court by releasing another, prompting accusations of contempt.
This was not an isolated incident. Ramdev’s rhetoric often aligns with Hindu nationalist narratives, portraying Muslim businesses as threats to Hindu interests. In 2015, he made veiled references to Muslims in comments on population control, warning of demographic imbalances, which critics interpreted as targeting the community’s 14.2% population share (2011 Census). His 2023 statements linking “religious terrorism” to critics of Hindu traditions further fueled perceptions of Islamophobia. These actions suggest a deliberate strategy to vilify Muslim-owned enterprises, positioning Patanjali as a “swadeshi” alternative rooted in Hindu values.
Economic and Ideological Motives
Ramdev’s targeting of Muslim businesses serves dual purposes: economic competition and ideological alignment. Patanjali, with ₹9,335 crore in revenue in FY24, competes fiercely in the FMCG sector against brands like Hamdard, Dabur, and Hindustan Unilever. By framing Muslim-owned companies like Hamdard as funding “anti-national” causes, Ramdev taps into communal sentiments to boost Patanjali’s market share, particularly among Hindu consumers swayed by nationalist rhetoric. Mohammed Adeeb, a former Rajya Sabha member, noted that such attacks aim to stifle Muslim businesses, which are underrepresented in India’s corporate landscape.
Ideologically, Ramdev’s rhetoric aligns with the Hindutva agenda of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), with which he shares a symbiotic relationship. His support for Narendra Modi’s 2014 campaign, mobilizing voters through his yoga following, earned him political favor, including land discounts worth $46 million for Patanjali’s expansion in BJP-ruled states. The BJP’s Hindu nationalist policies, such as the 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act discriminating against Muslims, provide a conducive environment for Ramdev’s narrative. India Hate Lab’s 2025 report documented a 74.4% surge in anti-minority hate speech in 2024, with 98.5% targeting Muslims, often amplified by BJP leaders and Hindu nationalist figures like Ramdev.
Shaping a Negative Image of Minorities
Ramdev’s statements contribute to a broader pattern of demonizing minorities, particularly Muslims, by portraying them as threats to Hindu culture and economic interests. His “sharbat jihad” remark, for instance, reinforces the Hindutva narrative of Muslims as “outsiders” or “infiltrators,” a trope echoed by BJP leaders like Modi, who referred to Muslims as “infiltrators” during the 2024 elections. By suggesting that buying Rooh Afza supports religious institutions over national interests, Ramdev perpetuates stereotypes of Muslims as disloyal, undermining their contributions to India’s economy and culture.
This rhetoric has tangible consequences. The India Hate Lab report noted that 111 hate speech events in 2024 explicitly called for economic boycotts of Muslim businesses, a 27.6% increase from 2023. Such campaigns exacerbate the socio-economic marginalization of Muslims, who face systemic discrimination in employment and business opportunities. Mohammed Riyaz, a faculty member at Aliah University, argued that Ramdev’s attacks on Unani-based companies like Hamdard reflect a broader effort to discredit Muslim contributions to traditional medicine, framing Ayurveda as superior and Hindu-centric.
Ramdev’s influence as a media figure, with millions watching his yoga shows on Aastha TV, amplifies these narratives. His 2024 comments, livestreamed on platforms like Facebook and X, reached wide audiences, with only 3 of 995 reported hate speech videos removed by February 2025. This unchecked spread of divisive content deepens mistrust, as seen in social media backlash where supporters echoed Ramdev’s attacks on Rooh Afza’s Muslim roots.
Political Complicity and Legal Challenges
The BJP’s tacit support, evidenced by its silence on Ramdev’s remarks and continued patronage, emboldens his rhetoric. The party’s rejection of Islamophobia allegations, as stated by spokesperson Jaiveer Shergill, contrasts with documented instances of hate speech by BJP leaders, including 266 during the 2024 elections. Ramdev’s legal troubles, including contempt notices from the Delhi High Court and fines for misleading Patanjali ads, indicate judicial pushback, but selective enforcement due to his political clout limits accountability.
Critics like Congress leader Digvijaya Singh, who filed a police complaint against Ramdev’s “sharbat jihad” remarks, argue that his statements violate India’s constitutional principles and advertising ethics. The Delhi High Court’s observation that Ramdev “lives in his own world” reflects frustration with his defiance, yet the lack of consistent legal repercussions allows him to persist.
Broader Implications and Resistance
Ramdev’s targeting of Muslim businesses risks deepening communal divides in a country already grappling with rising anti-minority violence. Human Rights Watch reported increased harassment and discriminatory policies against Muslims under BJP rule, including property demolitions and anti-conversion laws disproportionately targeting Muslim men. By framing Muslim businesses as threats, Ramdev contributes to a climate of fear, alienating a community that constitutes a significant market and cultural force.
However, resistance is growing. Muslim organizations, academics, and rights groups are calling for stricter enforcement of hate speech laws and advertising regulations. Hamdard’s legal action against Ramdev and social media campaigns defending Rooh Afza highlight efforts to counter his narrative. For Ramdev to maintain Patanjali’s appeal across India’s diverse population, he must shift from divisive rhetoric to inclusive marketing, leveraging his platform to promote unity rather than polarization.
